Religion and Equality

We received news this week that our friends at the Religious Coalition for the Freedom to Marry (RCFM) will be closing their doors here in Massachusetts – for the best of reasons. “We’ve accomplished our mission!” said RCFM leader Rabbi Devon Lerner. While marriage equality is secure in Massachusetts, Rabbi Lerner also told us that she recognizes that the work of religious leaders is not done: “We know we have more work to do in our denominations and in our faith communities for GLBT equality, but it will be done through new and different coalitions.”

Our partnerships with religious people over the years have subverted the idea that religion = bigotry, and that the religious right speaks for all people of faith when they denounce gay equality. In our work throughout New England, we’ve seen religious coalitions for equality grow in strength and numbers in Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Maine, and of course here in Massachusetts.

One of the most powerful moments on the June day that our Massachusetts legislature was to vote marriage equality up or down came early in the morning. The Religious Coalition held a rally and prayed at St. Paul's Cathedral, then marched en masse across the Boston Common to the State House. Religious opponents to marriage equality, praying across the street, had to part ways to let the supportive clergy through. It was only one of many times and many ways over the years that RCFM has demonstrated its support for equality, and we are extraordinarily grateful.

Sex on the Margins - The More Things Change...

We recently had the pleasure of hosting writer/sex educator Susie Bright, writer/cultural critic Michael Bronski, and GLAD founder Attorney John Ward at Boston's Old South Meeting House. The event, Sex on the Margins: The More Things Change..., was meant to foster a provocative discussion about the past, present, and future of the LGBT rights movement.

And it did.

Our panelists did not disappoint, posing questions about whether the gay community in the U.S. has become too assimilationist for its own good while reminding us that almost everywhere in the world you are still at risk - physically, legally, politically - if you are not heterosexual; suggesting that we have practically settled the question of marriage equality and now need to come up with the next big thing (an "exit strategy" as Susie Bright put it); and taking the gay community to task for not coming to the defense of Senator Larry Craig when he became the victim of a bathroom police sting - just like the 103 men whose arrests at the Boston Public Library prompted the founding of GLAD in 1978.

The audience, too, raised important issues - reminding us that many in our community don't have the luxury of pondering assimilation as they continue to struggle for things like jobs, health care, and basic safety; that marriage equality is still a distant goal in many parts of this country; and that, while their concerns and strategies may differ from those of their predecessors, there is a vibrant, active, and engaged young LGBT community out there pushing the movement forward.

Were you at this event? Join the conversation - where are we and where should we be heading?

Equal Marriage is the Law in Massachusetts

You've no doubt heard about the MA bar association applicant who is suing because he claims a question on the test involving the marriage of a same-sex couple violated his right to exercise his religion. He's also claiming that his refusal to answer said question is what kept him from making a (barely) passing score on the exam.

Alot has been said already about this case (you can read more about it here, and here, and here, for instance), and we don't want to give this frivolous case much more airtime.

Other than to point out the obvious - the bar exam is a test of the applicant's knowledge of the law. And in Massachusetts, the law is equal marriage.

The Sky Isn't Falling, Says Post

Another excellent point in today's Washington Post:

"When the high court of Massachusetts ruled in 2003 that the commonwealth's constitution gave same-sex couples the right to marry, detractors railed against "activist judges" who were "imposing" their will on the people. Only the people, through their elected representatives, should decide something so fundamental, they said. Thus began an effort to amend Massachusetts's constitution by referendum to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman. Four years and about 10,000 same-sex marriages later, here's what the people have said: never mind."

That's exactly what happened a few weeks ago when opponents of equality failed to get the 50 votes needed in the legislature to move forward a ballot initiative to ban legal rights and recognition for lesbian and gay couples.

It's heartening (though not surprising) to see how the experience of witnessing lesbian and gay couples and families go about their lives with the recognition and protections of civil marriage has changed the view of many citizens and legislators in this state. People have realized what we've known all along - allowing all loving, committed couples access to equal marriage does not hurt the commonwealth, the society, or the institution of marriage in any way. If anything, it enriches it.

The rest of the nation can now take a good look at Massachusetts and see that, in the words of the Washington Post, "the sky isn't falling."

Trouble with Civil Unions

The Washington Post reported on Saturday that some couples in New Jersey who have registered for civil unions since they became available four months ago are still being denied the rights and benefits the law was intended to grant them.

The article tells of Craig Ross and Richard Cash. Despite their civil union, Ross's employer of 21 years is refusing to provide health insurance coverage for Cash. The company has a self-funded insurance plan, and claims - as have other employers - that federal regulations therefore allow them to ignore state laws regarding employee benefits.

The federal Defense of Marriage Act is often cited by companies like Ross's as justification for denying benefits to the partners of employees even when they are legally recognized by the state.

Ross and Cash are not alone. According to the Post, "A recent study by Garden State Equality, New Jersey's leading gay advocacy group, indicated that as many as one in eight of the 1,092 same-sex couples who have registered for civil unions there have been denied all or part of the benefits they hoped to gain from the law."

This is an excellent example of why civil unions are not an adequate substitute for equal marriage, as they are clearly considered to be less than marriage by some employers (not to mention the federal government).

Loving Equality

June 12th marks the 40th anniversary of Loving v. Virginia, the landmark Supreme Court decision that advanced racial equality and the freedom to marry in America.

In 1967, Virginia residents Richard Loving and Mildred Jeter, an interracial couple, married in Washington DC. When they returned home, they were arrested for violating Virginia's Racial Integrity Act, which prohibited their marriage. The couple challenged the arrest all the way to the US Supreme Court. Writing in a unanimous decision, Chief Justice Earl Warren stated that banning interracial marriages constituted "invidious racial discrimination," thus violating the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.

Committed, loving couples whose relationships had previously been treated with legal disregard and societal disrespect were finally able to marry.

Is the Loving decision relevant to today's struggle for marriage equality?

Writing in an op-ed piece in this Sunday's Washington Post, University of Pennsylvania Law Professor Kermit Roosevelt makes an insightful argument that, indeed, it is. Roosevelt makes the case that court decisions based on the constitution's Equal Protection Clause, such as Loving, reflect evolving societal understanding of what constitutes invidious discrimination - "discrimination designed to oppress a particular group or to brand its members as inferior."

"Restricting the benefits of marriage to opposite-sex couples," Roosevelt points out, "is increasingly seen as invidious, an inequality inflicted for no good reason."

We couldn't agree more.

GLAD is joining a coalition of organizations led by Freedom to Marry in launching an ad campaign this week to commemorate the Loving decision and celebrate its importance:

• as a milestone in the fight against racial inequality,
• for its importance in securing the freedom to marry as a civil right,
• for its embodiment of the importance of social justice activism and independent courts, and
• for its relevance to today's ongoing battles against unfair exclusion from marriage.

Massachusetts Backs Marriages of New York Couples

New Yorkers Tanya Wexler and Amy Zimmerman married in Massachusetts in May, 2004

New York gay and lesbian couples who married in Massachusetts before July 6, 2006 - the date a New York court explicitly prohibited marriage between same-sex couples in that state - have a fully valid marriage. That was the final judgment made by a Massachusetts court on May 10.

GLAD attorney Michele Granda, who argued the case, calls the ruling "a cloud that’s been removed from these marriages. There shouldn’t be any question that those marriage licenses are worth the paper they’re printed on, and that Massachusetts fully backs the currency.”

Today's New York Times ran an article about the decision and what it means for New York couples.

Marriage Equality Press Conference

Here is a video of the press conference following last Monday's Connecticut Supreme Court hearing.

Happy Anniversary!

Today is the third anniversary of equal marriage in Massachusetts. After GLAD's landmark court victory in Goodridge v. Department of Public Health, loving, committed same-sex couples in Massachusetts began legally marrying on May 17, 2004.

We don't love each other more because we can legally marry. No law or court decision can do that. But marriage does mean we have respect and recognition, and we can better protect our relationships and our families. Legal marriage means more people being treated as full and equal citizens.

Today is a day for celebration in Massachusetts. And it's also a day to remember that work must continue to gain full equality for lesbian and gay citizens throughout New England, and throughout the country.

Fighting for Dignity and Respect

Take a look at more photos from the day

After yesterday's oral argument at the Connecticut Supreme Court, GLAD Attorney Ben Klein and the eight plaintiff couples in the case participated in a press conference on the courthouse steps.

Ben opened by saying: "Today the plaintiffs argued for the right to the same treatment and dignity that all other families get. Under the Connecticut constitution, we believe that they are entitled to the same respect and dignity of any other couple."

Lead plaintiffs Beth Kerrigan and Jody Mock then took the microphone to explain how important it is to them and their children to be able to say that they are married, and how heartened they were to hear one of the Justices bring up that point in court. "We have five year old boys in kindergarten, and they always ask us 'are you married?' And it breaks our heart to have to say the truth, which is that we're not. But we're fighting for that."

12:59

In closing, Ben focused his argument on the fact that marriage is more than the sum of all the tangible rights and benefits associated with the word “marriage.” Rather, the ability to say that you are married is one of the benefits of marriage. There is no adjective or verb associated with the word “civil union” and gay and lesbian couples and families deserve a legal status that let’s them convey to the world that they have access to the same level of equality enjoyed by CT’s other citizens.

Ben also rebutted the state’s argument that the legislature could have rationally believed that civil unions are better because they are more likely to be granted recognition in other states. Ben said that the premise was all wrong. Only a few states have civil unions but all states have marriage recognition laws. No one can prejudge whether a marriage will be respected in whole or in part because the outcome of a marriage recognition analysis might turn on what aspect of marriage someone needs to have recognized, as well as potentially competing public policies. For example, a state may respect a marriage to enforce child support obligations arising from a marriage because the state policy of protecting children surmounts any competing public policy.

12:55

After Ben's return to the podium, Justice Borden revisited the issue of whether the plaintiffs should be considered a suspect class or a quasi-suspect class. Are gays and lesbians politically powerless now? Or do we look at whether they historically have been politically powerless? What lens do we look at in applying that part of the test?

Ben responded that, to answer this, the Court has to look through an historical lens, to reflect the reality that systemic discrimination does not appear in a short timeframe. And also a national lens, because Connecticut citizens are affected by what happens nationally. There have been gains, but gays and lesbians as a group are still subject to the control of the majority, and there is still inequality.

12:43

Attorney Judith Ravel, representing Dorothy Bean, the town clerk who refused to issue marriage licenses to the plaintiff couples, gave a brief statement for her client. Mrs. Bean, she said, did the only thing she could do, which is to follow the instructions of the attorney general.

The Justices didn't question her.

Still, she said with emphasis, "Mrs. Bean got served, and she didn't like it."

12:40

Rosenberg rounded out her statement by saying that changing the defintion of marriage in the state of Connecticut should be a matter for the Legislature.

12:40

Rosenberg advanced several arguments about why limiting marriage to different-sex couples related to a rational state interest, including maintaining the traditional meaning of marriage, promoting consitency with the laws of other states, the possibility that the rights associated with civil union will be recognized by states prohibiting marriage for same-sex couples.

Justice Borden asked whether the state relies at all on the "responsible procreation" argument; Rosenberg responded that although amici raised that argument, the state doesn't rest on it.

Rosenberg began her conclusion by stating that marriage is not a matter of constitutional law for the court to decide; rather, it's a legislative matter that should be decided by the people.

Justice Borden wondered about the analysis applied to the Virginia Military Institute case; Justice Norcott identified it as the McLaurin analysis, which may fall somewhere in between an intermediate analysis and strict scrutiny.

Justice Borden continued to ask whether Rosenberg thought it was important for all children, including the children of same-sex couples, to say that their parents are married. He also asserted that there is a good amount of evidence pointing to the equal parenting abilities of same-sex and different-sex couples.

In response, Rosenberg revisited her idea that the plaintiffs' feelings about the word marriage - valid as they may be - didn't lend themselves to a legal argument, and that that may be an issue for the Legislature.

12:20

Rosenberg resumed her remarks by arguing that rational basis--the "model of judicial restraint"--is the appropriate standard in this case.

Justice Borden, who had a similar dialogue with Ben, asked Rosenberg how she would balance between the Glucksberg cautionary tale (against overly broad definitions of marriage) and Lawrence's cautionary tale (against overly narrow defnitions of marriage).

Rosenberg responded that this case will change the definition of marriage in a radically different way than either of those cases.

Borden led Rosenberg to a discussion of the idea that, even in Goodridge, Justice Marshall acknowledged that the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court acknowledged that it was, in fact, changing the defnition of marriage.

12:00

The Justices adjourned for their morning recess.

Just before leaving, they questioned Rosenberg about the level of scrutiny required for a suspect class argument, which she identified as strict scrutiny. But she maintained that the case was not about sexual orientation discrimination, since nothing prohibits gay men and lesbians from marrying a member of the opposite sex--they just choose not to do so.

Justice Borden questioned whether that was a realistic argument, if sexual orientation is a central part of their identity. And Justice Palmer, clearly troubled by the logic, responded that he thought it was a facile approach to a suspect class claim.

11:50

The justices began their questioning of Rosenberg by asking about the harms caused by marriage inequality. How, asked Justice Palmer, does the difference between civil union and marriage not stigmatize those relagated to civil unions? Appellate Judge Harper asked about how the denial of a marriage licence does not count as a constitutional harm.

Rosenberg maintained that, although she respects the plaintiff couples' feelings that they are stigmatized by not having access to marriage, those feelings do not go to the legal question at hand, i.e., whether the Legislature is required to use the word "marriage." She continued to say that there is nothing in the civil union law that is intended as derogatory for same-sex couples, and in fact civil unions indicate a step forward.

Justice Palmer asked if this "step forward" is the reason the defendants claim the plaintiffs can't satisfy the "political powerlessness" component of a suspect class argument. Justice Norcott interjected that, "if gay and lesbian folks in Connecticut had true political power, they'd have passed the bill across the street (in the legislative building), and we wouldn't be here."

11:35

The justices continued their rigorous questioning to Ben about the standard of scrutiny required by plaintiff's claims, based on being members of a suspect class (status that makes a law that categorizes on that basis suspect, and therefore deserving of greater judicial scrutiny).

Attorney Jane Rosenberg, assistant attorney general for the state began her opening statement on behalf of two defendants, the commissioner of the Department of Public Health, and the Department of Public Health. She began by talking about how Connecticut has been a leader in promoting civil rights, and stated that, after granting the rights and benefits of marriage to same-sex couples under a different name, the question remaining for the Court is "what's left?"

11:00

Borden asked about the argument of marriage as a "fundamental right."

Judge Harper asked if the plaintiffs differentiate the fundamental right to marriage and the right to marriage for same-sex couples.

Ben responded that there is no fundamental right to same-sex marriage; the plaintiffs seek the fundamental right to marriage.

Judge Harper responded that same-sex couples are not precluded from marriage, only precluded from same-sex marriage.

Ben argued that defining marriage as only between a man and a woman simply because it's always been between a man an a woman, is circular reasoning. You determine the right to marry by the attributes of that right, not by a traditional definition. The fundamental nature of the right is not dependent upon the gender of the two parties; it's the relationship of two legal equals by mutual consent, taking responsibility for each other, and protected by the state. As in Griswold, same-sex couples have the same interests in entering into those loving bonds that different-sex couples do.